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Category Archives: Public Engagement and Policy Making

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What kind of democracy do people want, and how should policy-makers respond?

Posted on November 23, 2023 by The Constitution Unit

The Constitution Unit has published the final report from its three-year research project examining public attitudes to democracy in the UK. In this post, authors Alan Renwick, Meg Russell, and Ben Lauderdale summarise the report’s findings. The public care about democracy. They want high standards in public life, robust checks and balances, and better education and information about politics. The topics covered in this blog will be discussed in more detail at a webinar on Monday 27 November. Tickets are still available via the Unit’s website, and free of charge.

Public attitudes towards the democratic system matter. If people disengage, their views and interests go unrepresented. If they do not trust those in charge, that makes the careful trade-offs and compromises that are essential to effective policymaking harder.

Over the last three years, we have therefore conducted detailed research into the state of public attitudes towards the UK’s democratic system. The project – called Democracy in the UK after Brexit – has examined attitudes to the system as a whole and to its various components parts. In the wake of unusually intense debates about how the constitution ought to function – prompted by Brexit and a Prime Minister who appeared to reject many established constitutional norms – the project has explored what roles people think should be played by the central components of the system, including parliament, government, courts, and the public.

We have previously published three reports presenting the findings from different aspects of the research: two on large-scale surveys of public opinion, conducted by YouGov in 2021 and 2022; and the report of the Citizens’ Assembly on Democracy in the UK, which met in late 2021. Today we are publishing the project’s final report, which draws these findings together, adds substantial new analysis, and reflects on key lessons for policy-makers.

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Posted in Brexit, constitutional standards and the health of democracy, Europe, Government, Judiciary and human rights, Parliament, Parties and politicians, Public Engagement and Policy Making | Tagged 2016 Brexit referendum, Alan Renwick, BBC, Ben Lauderdale, Brexit, checks and balances, citizens assembly on democracy in the UK, citizens' assemblies, civil service, committee on standards in public life, constitutional principles and the health of democracy., constitutional standards, deliberative democracy, Democracy in the UK after Brexit, dominic cummings, House of Commons, House of Lords, House of Lords appointments, Matt Hancock, meg russell, ministerial standards, MPs, Owen Paterson, partygate, petitions, prime minister, private members' bills, referendums, rule of law, standards | 1 Comment

Rebuilding and renewing the constitution: elections and public participation

Posted on August 30, 2023 by The Constitution Unit

A new Constitution Unit report by Meg Russell, Hannah White and Lisa James, published jointly with the Institute for Government, provides a menu of constitutional reform options ahead of political parties’ manifesto preparation. Its chapters have been published on this blog throughout August, with this final excerpt identifying potential changes relating to elections and public participation.

Democracy rests ultimately on popular sovereignty. But the bond of trust between the public and their representatives – which is essential for healthy democratic governance – has become increasingly frayed. Public engagement with the political process has long been a cause for concern, and there is a desire to boost public trust and participation. In recent years, particular concerns have been voiced about the government’s attitudes towards the Electoral Commission, its policies on public protest and on voter ID, and a change in the electoral system for local mayors that appeared to be motivated by partisan gain. At a more mundane but nonetheless important level, there are also long-running challenges to the fair and effective administration of elections.

A range of reforms to elections, the conduct of campaigns, and the wider role of the public in processes of policymaking have been proposed to tackle these concerns. Some improvements could be made immediately. A number of others would require legislation, but would be largely uncontroversial, or could be implemented fairly straightforwardly through other means. Proposals for more fundamental change – most obviously to the Westminster voting system, and party funding – would be much more contested.

Quick win

The Elections Act 2022 empowered ministers to prepare a ‘strategy and policy statement’ for the Electoral Commission. Experts widely view the existence of such a statement as a threat to the Commission’s independence. Three Commons committees sharply criticised the government’s first draft, leading to revisions. Ministers should not proceed further with designating a strategy and policy statement for the Electoral Commission. Rather, they should simply affirm their commitment to the Commission’s independence and welcome its work. Should a statement be designated, a future government should withdraw it.

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Posted in digital democracy, Elections and referendums, Parties and politicians, Public Engagement and Policy Making | Tagged 2011 Alternative Vote referendum, absentee voting, Alternative Vote, Association of Electoral Administrators, campaign finance, campaign spending, citizens' assemblies, committee on standards in public life, deliberative democracy, digital advertising, digital campaigning, disinformation, election administration, elections, Elections Act 2022, Electoral Commission, electoral register, England, Expert Panel on Assembly Electoral Reform, first past the post, Hannah White, imprint rules, imprints, Independent Commission on Referendums, Lisa James, local elections, May 2023 local elections, mayoral elections, meg russell, misinformation, online campaigning, PACAC, parliamentary standards, Participation and Communities Team, party funding, Police and Crime Commissioner elections, political parties, political protest, pre-legislative scrutiny, prisoner voting, protest, Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee, Rebuilding and renewing the constitution: options for reform, referendums, right to protest, Scotland, scottish parliament, select committee, Senedd, social media, Speakers conference, standards, strategy and policy statement, supplementary vote, voter ID, voter information, votes at 16, voting age, Wales

Sunak’s standards slipping

Posted on July 20, 2023 by The Constitution Unit

Today the Unit published Monitor 84, providing analysis of constitutional events over the last four months. In this post, which also serves as the issue’s lead article, Meg Russell and Alan Renwick argue that while Rishi Sunak promised to place constitutional propriety at the forefront of his government, he has failed to meet the standards he set.

When Rishi Sunak became Prime Minister in October, he made a noble promise to head a government of ‘integrity, professionalism and accountability’. These were welcome words, and they defined standards that all governments should be held to. Sunak’s government is performing better against those standards than did its two immediate predecessors. Nevertheless, there are increasing concerns that it is still falling short, with potentially harmful consequences for the quality of governance and for public confidence.

Sunak inherited a difficult legacy from Boris Johnson (and Liz Truss, whose time in office was brief but eventful), and a difficult and divided governing party. Johnson has continued to cast a long shadow in the months since the last edition of Monitor. Conservative Party divisions have come, if anything, even more to the fore.

The most dramatic single constitutional event has been Johnson’s conflict with the House of Commons Privileges Committee. Its investigation into whether he deliberately misled parliament over partygate attracted significant attention, first through the former Prime Minister’s appearance in front of the committee, and subsequently through events around the publication of its report. Apprised of the committee’s conclusions, Johnson chose to resign his seat rather than contest his case in parliament (and possibly with the voters of Uxbridge and South Ruislip), and he and his supporters chose instead to rubbish the committee. The shock of a former Prime Minister facing parliamentary sanctions for such behaviour was only heightened by this undignified response – which triggered the committee to issue a further damning report.

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Posted in constitutional standards and the health of democracy, Devolution, Elections and referendums, Events, Government, International, Judiciary and human rights, Monarchy, church and state, Parliament, Parties and politicians, Public Engagement and Policy Making | Tagged Alan Renwick, Alex Chalk, Attorney General, Bill of Rights Bill, boris johnson, Committee of Privileges, Committee on Standards, constitutional standards, constitutional standards and the health of democracy, Coronation, Dominic Raab, Elections Act, Electoral Commission, England, government defeats, House of Lords, house of lords appointment commission, House of Lords appointments, Illegal Migration Bill, independent adviser on ministers interests, Institute for Government, intergovernmental relations, Justice Secretary, King Charles III, Lord Chancellor, lords appointments, Lords defeats, meg russell, ministerial code, ministerial standards, ministers, Monitor, MPs, MPs conduct, Nadine Dorries, Penny Mordaunt, Privileges Committee, Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill, rishi sunak, strikes (Minimum Service) Bill, Victoria Prentis, voter ID

Rebuilding and renewing the constitution: options for reform

Posted on July 19, 2023 by The Constitution Unit

With a general election expected sometime in 2024, political parties are increasingly planning their manifestos. A report published jointly today by the Constitution Unit and Institute for Government offers a menu of options for constitutional reform, from ‘quick wins’ to much larger-scale changes. Authors Meg Russell, Hannah White and Lisa James explain its importance.

A general election is legally required by January 2025, and is likely next year. This means political parties are increasingly focused on planning their manifestos. Among the many policy areas they must address is the future of the UK constitution.

Recent years have demonstrated numerous constitutional tensions. The Brexit period saw conflicts over the appropriate roles of parliament and executive, and the Covid-19 pandemic intensified long-running debates about how government freedom to act should be balanced with adequate parliamentary scrutiny. A series of standards scandals have highlighted weaknesses in the current systems for ensuring politicians’ integrity. There have been substantial pressures on the devolution settlement, while devolution within England remains a complex patchwork. Tensions between government and the legal profession, also a feature of the Brexit years, have continued, most recently over migration policy – and expert groups have expressed concern over government willingness to breach international law. Controversial changes to election law have also raised questions about electoral integrity.

Research by the Constitution Unit demonstrates that the public care about these topics, ranking the health of UK democracy alongside crime and immigration. Survey responses show very strong public support for high constitutional standards, and checks and balances.

Our new report – Rebuilding and Renewing the Constitution: Options for Reform – published today jointly by the Constitution Unit and Institute for Government, offers a menu of options for constitutional reform. It draws together recommendations from numerous expert bodies and parliamentary committees to lay out the options for reform across five key areas: the executive; parliament; the territorial constitution; courts and the rule of law; and elections and public participation. These include numerous modest changes that could be quickly and easily implemented – either by the current government, or a new government after the election – to improve the functioning of the constitution and make our democratic institutions more robust, but also some larger possible changes.

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Posted in Brexit, constitutional standards and the health of democracy, Devolution, Elections and referendums, Europe, Government, Judiciary and human rights, Monarchy, church and state, Parliament, Parties and politicians, Public Engagement and Policy Making | Tagged Brexit, Cabinet, checks and balances, citizens assemblies, civil service, constitutional reform, constitutional standards, constitutional standards and the health of democracy, constitutional watchdogs, Coronavirus, deliberative democracy, election law, Electoral reform, English devolution, Hannah White, House of Commons, House of Lords, House of Lords Appointments Commission, Illegal Migration Bill, independent adviser on ministers interests, Institute for Government, international law, Lisa James, meg russell, migration, Minister for the Constitution, ministers, parliamentary scrutiny, prime minister, Rebuilding and renewing the constitution: options for reform | 6 Comments

Seven questions about effective ways to fight democratic backsliding

Posted on June 16, 2023 by The Constitution Unit

The Constitution Unit held an event in May, at which three expert panellists discussed the rise of democratic backsliding internationally and considered key domestic and international interventions which might help to combat this trend. In this second blog detailing the event, Sophie Andrews-McCarroll summarises the questions put to the panel during the event and the answers that they gave.

The first blog on this event detailed the speaker presentations. This included a discussion of recent trends and developments in democracies internationally, definitions of key terms under consideration – and some examples of strategies which have been successful in countering ‘backsliding’ tendencies.

The below is a summary of some key points raised in the question and answer session.

1. What would an effective relationship between domestic actors and international actors in combatting democratic backsliding look like? What are the most effective international interventions? And how can domestic and international actors collaborate?

Seema Shah

International bodies require legitimacy at a domestic level, both among leaders and the population, in order to be effective. This legitimacy is often lacking.

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Posted in constitutional standards and the health of democracy, Elections and referendums, Events, Government, International, Judiciary and human rights, Parliament, Parties and politicians, Public Engagement and Policy Making | Tagged backsliding, democratic backsliding, EU, European Commission, Georgia, human rights, Hungary, India, Judicial independence, judiciary, Ken Godfrey, Kenya, Kim Lane Scheppele, MPs, parliamentary scrutiny, Poland, rule of law, Seemah Shah, Sophie Andrews-McCarroll, Turkey, US, Viktor Orban

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