With just over two weeks to go until polling day, most parties have now released their manifestos. In this post, Lisa James summarises their key pledges on the constitution, covering parliamentary reform, standards, the rule of law and rights protection, elections and public participation, media and democratic discourse, devolution and Europe.
With the 4 July general election fast approaching, political parties are releasing their manifestos. Though much of the election campaign has focused on the economy and public services, several of the manifestos also contain significant constitutional policy pledges. This post summarises the key commitments on the constitution, covering the manifestos of the main parties in Great Britain: the Labour Party, Conservatives, Liberal Democrats, Green Party, Reform UK, Plaid Cymru and Scottish National Party.
Parliament
The most striking commitment in relation to the House of Commons comes from Labour, which proposes a Modernisation Committee charged with assessing procedure, and improving standards and working practices. The party also proposes to grasp the nettle of House of Lords reform, pledging to scrap the remaining hereditary peers, introduce an age limit of 80 and ‘a new participation requirement’, and introduce reforms to ‘ensure the quality of new appointments’ and improve territorial diversity. Longer-term, the party commits to replacing the House of Lords with an ‘alternative second chamber that is more representative of the regions and nations’, and pledges to consult on proposals for doing so.
Lords reform is also pledged by the Green Party, which proposes replacement with an elected second chamber, and the Liberal Democrats (who propose to reform the chamber to have a ‘proper democratic mandate’ but offer no more detail). Reform UK proposes to replace the House of Lords with a ‘much smaller, more democratic second chamber’ – though it leaves further detail ‘to be debated’. The SNP supports abolition. The Liberal Democrats also propose strengthening parliament’s powers in relation to the calling of elections, trade deals, and military intervention. The Conservative manifesto contains nothing on the role of parliament.
Standards
The topic of standards is likewise a notable omission from the Conservative manifesto. Labour’s well-trailed Independent Ethics and Integrity Commission – intended to ‘ensure probity in government’ – is the centrepiece of its standards offering, though it remains unspecified how this would relate to the existing network of standards bodies. The party also proposes to ask the Modernisation Committee to assess standards rules relating to MPs, including limits on second jobs. Also mentioned are powers for the Independent Adviser on Ministers’ Interests to open their own investigations, and greater enforcement of the rules on post-ministerial employment.
The Liberal Democrats make a variety of pledges relating to standards, including putting the Ministerial Code into legislation and tightening lobbying regulation. They pledge to create a ‘rigorous, transparent and independent process to appoint significant public roles’, including a role for the relevant select committee. They also propose legislation extending the current recall system to allow constituents to recall MPs who commit sexual harassment, while the Green Party suggests a Fair Politics Act which, as well as implementing the party’s elections policy – discussed below, would strengthen political lobbying rules.
Rule of law and rights
The Conservative manifesto does not, despite speculation, pledge outright to withdraw the UK from the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). It opts instead for a more veiled commitment to prioritise ‘our security’ over ‘the jurisdiction of a foreign court’ (the European Court of Human Rights is properly an international, not foreign, court, of which the UK is a member). The Labour manifesto in contrast affirms that ‘Britain will unequivocally remain a member’ of the ECHR. The Green Party, Liberal Democrats, Plaid Cymru and SNP similarly affirm this commitment. Reform UK goes further than the Conservatives by pledging to leave the ECHR within the first 100 days, reform the Human Rights Act and, over the longer term, introduce a British Bill of Rights.
The Liberal Democrats, Green Party and Plaid Cymru also pledge to repeal the controversial legislation on public protest passed in the most recent parliament – something on which the Labour manifesto is silent. Meanwhile the Conservative Party promises further such restrictions. Reform proposes a vaguely-drawn ‘Comprehensive Free Speech Bill’ to combat perceived ‘political bias in public institutions’.
Elections and public participation
As trailed early in the campaign, the Labour manifesto pledges to extend the franchise to 16- and 17-year-olds. It also commits to strengthening the rules on political donations, and addressing inconsistencies in voter ID requirements. It says nothing about changing the wider electoral system.
Some other parties go considerably further, with the Liberal Democrats, Plaid Cymru, the Green Party and the SNP all supporting a move to proportional representation, and an end to voter ID, and the Liberal Democrats, Greens and SNP proposing widening the franchise not only to 16-year-olds but also to visa-holding residents. Reform UK also calls for a referendum on proportional representation. The Conservatives pledge to maintain the voter ID rules introduced in the last parliament, as well as maintaining 18 as the voting age, and reaffirm their support for First Past the Post.
Labour’s pledge for consultation on long-term House of Lords reform suggests some form of public participation, though its shape is unclear. The Liberal Democrats pledge local and national citizens’ assemblies on ‘the greatest challenges we face’, such as AI and climate change. The Conservatives commit to extending local referendums on some particular policies – though this looks more like an attempt to clip councils’ wings – by requiring a referendum on any new 20mph zones or Low Traffic Neighbourhoods, and requiring ‘democratic consent’ for onshore wind.
Media and democratic discourse
Most material on this topic comes from the smaller parties. The Liberal Democrats and Green Party pledge to begin stage 2 of the Leveson Inquiry, into the relationship between journalists and the police over phone-hacking, while Plaid Cymru argues for an independent broadcasting authority for Wales and the SNP advocates devolution of broadcasting powers to Scotland. The Conservatives pledge to ‘carefully consider’ the outcome of the BBC Funding Review and introduce a new complaints process; Labour promises to ‘work constructively’ with the BBC. Reform UK, by contrast, calls the BBC ‘institutionally biased’, proposing to scrap the license fee.
On the topic of online content, the Liberal Democrats propose a Digital Bill of Rights to guarantee privacy, free expression and participation without fear of harassment, while the Green Party pledges to amend the Online Safety Act to protect democracy, and introduce its own Digital Bill of Rights with a brief to respond to declining faith in democracy. The Liberal Democrats also propose a Global Counter-Disinformation Fund.
Some manifestos also hint at ambitions for a different tone in politics, with Labour claiming that the UK’s soft power has suffered from ‘Conservative attacks’ on courts, universities and the BBC, and the Liberal Democrats promising to confront ‘stereotyping, demagoguery and hate speech in public life’. Plaid Cymru proposes a new criminal offence for elected politicians or candidates who knowingly mislead the public.
Devolution
Both Labour and the Conservatives propose to extend devolution settlements to more areas in England. The Conservatives pledge a devolution deal for every area that wants one by 2030. Labour commits to ‘encouraging local authorities to come together and take on new powers’, naming powers over transport, adult education and skills, housing and planning, and employment support, and to review the governance arrangements for Combined Authorities. The Liberal Democrats argue for other forms of decentralisation, while the Green Party focuses on devolving more powers to local councils.
On the topic of independence, Plaid Cymru pledges a green paper, and argues that the power to call a referendum should lie in Wales; the SNP similarly argues that the power to call a referendum should be transferred to Scotland, and suggests that it would consider winning a majority of Scottish seats in the general election empowerment ‘to begin immediate negotiations with the UK Government to give democratic effect to Scotland becoming an independent country’. The Green Party pledges to support the Senedd if it decides to hold a referendum, and arguing that Scotland should be enabled to ‘mak[e] decisions for itself’. The Conservatives and Liberal Democrats both ‘oppose’ another Scottish independence referendum, while Labour ‘does not support’ it.
The parties offer differing visions for the relationship between the UK government and the devolved administrations. Plaid calls for changes to the relationship between Wales and the UK, arguing that the Sewel Convention should be made binding, and a new Government of Wales (Devolved Powers) Act should be passed, requiring a Senedd supermajority to agree to any reduction in its powers. It also argues for substantial further devolution, including over justice, income tax, benefits, rail infrastructure and bank holidays.
The SNP similarly calls for the Sewel Convention to be put on a ‘proper statutory footing’, and argues for the repeal of the UK Internal Market Act 2020. In addition, it calls for further devolution in a number of areas, including taxation, borrowing, energy, migration, rail, employment rights, social security, and drugs policy.
Labour makes a more limited commitment on the Sewel Convention, to a new memorandum of understanding on its operation. It also pledges to create a Council of the Nations and Regions, bringing together the Prime Minister with the First Ministers (and deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland), plus combined authority mayors. It pledges to devolve employment support funding to Wales, and to ‘consider’ devolving youth justice – but otherwise says only that it will ensure that the devolution settlement(s) ‘enable[s] collaboration’ on its five national missions for government.
The Liberal Democrats more radically propose a UK Constitutional Convention charged with developing a written, federal constitution to set out the powers of each tier of government. The party is also open to further devolution to Scotland and Wales. The Green Party proposes that the Senedd should be given the same powers as the Scottish Parliament.
The Conservative Party takes a rather different approach, pledging to legislate to override the Senedd’s decision not to apply all parts of the Trade Union Act to 2016, to overturn 20mph zones in Wales, and promising that a Conservative Welsh government would reverse plans to expand the Senedd. The party also argues that ‘governments in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland now have the right balance of powers’, seemingly closing the door on any further devolution. Reform does not address devolution-related topics.
On Northern Ireland, Labour and the Conservatives both pledge to protect the UK’s internal market, fully implement the Windsor Framework (Labour ‘in good faith’), and respect the consent principle. Labour explicitly pledges to respect ‘both the letter and the spirit’ of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. A point of division comes over the ‘legacy’ legislation passed in the most recent parliament, which the Conservatives propose to implement fully, and Labour pledges to repeal. The Liberal Democrats say they would ‘promote sharing over separation’ in Northern Ireland, and reduce barriers to trade between Great Britain, Northern Ireland, and Ireland by fundamentally changing the UK’s relationship with Europe. Reform UK, in contrast, commits to ‘abandon the Windsor Framework’ – which it calls worse than the Northern Ireland Protocol – within the first 100 days.
Europe
The manifestos contain some ambitious pledges in relation to the EU. The Liberal Democrats propose a closer relationship, leading to membership of the Single Market. The Greens propose Customs Union membership and a return to freedom of movement, with an ultimate aim of rejoining the EU itself. Plaid Cymru likewise suggests that the UK should join the Single Market and Customs Union ‘as soon as practical’, and has an overall goal that Wales should rejoin the EU. The SNP pledges to rejoin the EU, and also specifies re-entering the Single Market and restoring freedom of movement.
Labour, meanwhile, says it will ‘seek to deepen ties’ with the EU, naming veterinary agreements, touring artist visas, and mutual recognition of professional qualifications as potential areas for change. The party rules out joining the Single Market or Customs Union, or reintroducing freedom of movement.
The Conservatives pledge to build on the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA), but rule out dynamic alignment or any changes that would ‘infringe our legal sovereignty’. Reform UK commits to renegotiate the TCA; the party also pledges to repeal 6,700 pieces of retained EU law within the first 100 days.
This is the first in a series of posts offering analysis of the parties’ manifestos, and the latest in a broader offering of commentary on the 2024 general election. Sign up via the box in the left-hand sidebar to receive email notifications when a new post goes live. Additionally, the Unit’s annual conference kicks off on 24 June, concluding on 25 June. The conference will consist of four sessions, which will cover the topics that the Unit considers to be constitutional priorities for the next government: standards in government and parliament, House of Lords reform, the rule of law, and devolution within England. Sessions are accessible remotely and free to attend.
Note: This post was updated on 19 June to include SNP policies, following the publication of the party’s manifesto.
About the author
Lisa James is a Research Fellow at the Constitution Unit.
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